This is Black History Month in the UK, and it feels like it’s time for a rethink. Throughout its history, an observance that was initiated as a celebration and reminder of the past, cultural identity and bonds between global Black communities, has taken on a corporate feel, growing to encompass functions where African descendants are paid to talk to Caucasian groups about implicit prejudice and “allyship”. The demonstrations for racial justice in the 2020s generated a rise in the business of showcasing anti-racist commitment. However, that period has concluded. The wave has peaked, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what increasing understanding is for.
Initially celebrated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was created in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with a week of celebration and reflection in the February's second week. Black History Month grew out of this initiative and was officially launched in 1970. Currently it is marked not only in the North America in February, but also in October in the Britain, Deutschland, Éire and the Netherlands.
The observance has evolved since its inception, focusing less on the narratives of the slave trade across the Atlantic and struggles for equality, and more on prominent Black figures in public life, creative fields, and advocacy, and extensively acknowledging the impact Black people have made to mold society. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with lectures and artistic activities. But the manner the month is celebrated is a manifestation of the current political situation. How it progresses is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to dismantling: the reshaping of Black History Month has stymied the purpose of it, which is to address structural and organizational discrimination.
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to rethink Black History Month as much as the specific period in which it falls this year. In the Britain, a resurgent right in the shape of the Reform political group is leading the polls. In the recent season we saw the biggest extreme right demonstration in British history. the Conservative leader, the Black leader of the Conservative party, is a staunch adversary of the racial justice movement, and we are in a place where a legislator feels emboldened to declare that a lack of white people in parts of a city is a cause for alarm. Meanwhile, far-right parties are expanding in the EU as a whole.
In the US, a colossal assault against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been taken, repeatedly with positive outcomes, to the top legal institutions of the nation. A effort to remove the history of people of color and legacy from the archives is ongoing. One of the former president's initial presidential directives targeted the museum of African American legacy, and the renowned cultural organization, accusing them of a “concerted and widespread effort to alter the country's historical narrative” by depicting the United States “as fundamentally prejudiced”.
Against this backdrop, the celebration represents how minimally it can be effective if it is confined to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content festivities of former accomplishments, rather than confronting the situation of the contemporary world. It also demonstrates how its short period means that it is disconnected from the more extensive continuous action that is necessary. A university professor, a educator at University of Greenwich, articulated it most accurately when she voiced worries about the short-term symbolic gestures of the observance. “The difficulty with embracing a superficial method”, she wrote, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month becomes a fleeting performance rather than a driver of transformation.”
Determining how to adapt, revise and extend initiatives for racial equality and recognition in such periods of dismay and anxiety is a difficult task. There is a temptation to just do away with observances such as Black History Month completely, believing they are no longer suitable, or are relics of an era that has failed to deliver.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and tradition of activism for racial justice – local anti-racism groups, inclusion and equity efforts, and indeed, including corporate presentations – represent an foundation that a lot of work has gone into. It is there not merely to decline as the politics moves on (and in fact, regresses), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a new dynamic Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed across all seasons (as various establishments are already commencing), parts of its content (particularly around historic Black characters) integrated into academic syllabi. It would also be a period that does not shy away from political issues, and provides room for individuals, particularly youth, to air their fears and experiences. What use is simple recognition of the history when it fails to address the present reality of extreme conservative demonstrations in the street? Establishments who celebrate it should not be comforted with the non-confrontational words of implicit prejudice and awareness of subtle slights, but challenged by the threats that affect everyone if anti-racism is not approached earnestly. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made current, critical, and responsive. Perhaps an entire name rebrand is in order – Black History is Now Month.
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